The events China experienced throughout the late 20th century, following World War II, prove beneficial to some and devastating to others. Read this blog to discover the reactions many different post war Chinese citizens had to events and rulers that played a major role in decolonizing post-war china.

Civil War 內戰 April 1945- October 1949

Chaing Kai-shek expresses his viewpoint on the chinese civil war from his perspective. He expresses his distain and resentment toward not only the communists but also the so-called "backstabbing" soviets.

The end of World War II should have meant peace and reconstruction for china. It should have meant the freeing and decolonizing of Chinese colonies and their people. The end of World War II should have marked the end of fighting, but for us Chinese, it merely marked the start of a new war
Just as World War II ended, the remaining Japanese forces that occupied Manchuria were strictly ordered by the United States to surrender to my troops, the Kuomintang, and myself, but to resist the dirty communists who had already dominated the countryside. I knew they were planning a takeover of the government, and as such I could not let them obtain such valuable cities as Manchuria, whose industrial base was worth up to 2 billion dollars.
When the Soviet forces launched the Manchurian Strategic Offensive Operation, which proved successful and consequently forced the 700,000 Japanese troops stationed in the region to surrender, I knew that unless I took immediate action, my lack of resources would allow Mao and the communists to conquer the land. So, in a desperate yet clever way to conserve the land of Manchuria for our nationalist forces, I constructed the Sino-Soviet peace treaty. This was a deal with the Russians to delay their withdrawal of Manchuria and other northern provinces until I had moved enough of my best-trained men, resources and materials and modern weaponry into the region. My troops were then assisted by the United States, and flown to occupy key cities, like Manchuria in northern China. “…therefore, using the enemy as a garrison until [they] could airlift [my] Chinese National troops to South China and send Marines to guard the seaports." More than 50,000 Marines were sent to guard strategic sites. The Soviets cleverly spent the extra time spasmodically dismantling the massive Manchurian industrial base and shipping it back to their war-damaged country.
The first peace meeting that was held following the Great War was in Chongquig from August 28, 1945 to Oct 10, 1945. As I desperately attempted to stress the importance of peace, Mao continued to launch propaganda campaign against me and thus I would launch some campaigns in return. Although no full-scale confrontations occurred through these meetings, the bad blood and tension between our forces rose tremendously. The flimsy truce fell apart in June 1946, when a full scale war between Mao’s communist troops and my nationalist troops erupted.
The United States generously assisted our troops with hundreds of millions of dollars worth of new and advanced surplus, western military supplies and military equipment. They offered air technologies to lift our troops from central China to the Northern Provinces, mainly Manchuria. President Truman was very kind for assisting and aiding us in the beginning of the war and although it pains me to say, I know he is right. I was perfectly clear to him that if he told the Japanese to lay down their arms immediately and march to the seaboard, the entire country would be annexed by the Communists.
Although we had the advantage of the United States, the communists were able to obtain a large number of weapons abandoned by the Japanese, including some tanks. They were not able to put any of these weapons to use, though, until I was abandoned by some of my troops who joined the communists and taught them how they were used. But despite this new military advance, the Communist’s ultimate winning “card” was its land reform policy. The land reform policy was a sneaky way for the communists to gain large masses of popularity and followers. As they traveled the Chinese countryside, they continued to make the irresistible promise to the innumerable landless and starving Chinese peasants that by fighting for the communists, they would be able to take farmland from their landlords. Although these untrained fighters died quickly, due to lack of experience, this enabled the communists to access an almost unlimited supply of manpower to use in combat as well as provide logistic support. During just one campaign alone, the communists could obtains thousands and thousands of willing peasants.
I first began to notice the downfall of my nationalist troops when the Soviet Forces led by General Malinovsky turned their back on me by secretly telling the communist forces to move in behind them as they evacuted the land, because Stalin wanted Mao to have firm control of at least the northern part of Manchuria before the complete withdrawal of the Soviets. In March 1946, despite my continuous requests to stop such sneaky behavior, a war broke out between my own forces and the communists over the occupation of Manchuria.
In March 1947, the KMT achieved a seemingly symbolic victory by seizing the communist capital of Yan’an. But this meant little to nothing because by the late 1948, Mao’s troops captured the northern cities of Shenyang and Changchun and seized control of the Northeast. The New First Army, which was easily my best, had to surrender after the deadly communists conducted a 6-month siege of Changchun that resulted in more than 300,000 civilian deaths from starvation. How no peasants and communist saw the evil they possessed is remarkable. The capture of my troops provided the communists with the tanks, heavy artillery, and other combined-arms assets needed to execute more deadly offensives.
The Huaihai Campaign of late 1948 and early 1949 secured east-central China for the CPC. Throughout this campaign, the manipulative communists under Mao’s rule were able to mobilize 5,430,000 peasants to fight against our nationalist forces. The Beiping-Tianjin Campaign resulted in the Communist conquest of northern China, lasting 64 days from November 21, 1948 to January 31, 1949.[46] All these campaigns were overpowering to us. The communists would arrive to battle with some 890,000 troops to match up with our about 600,000 troops. Out of self defense, we fought fiercely, causing about 40,000 communist casualties at Zhangjiakou. In turn, the spiteful communists killed, wounded or captured about 520,000 of my men.
On April 21, Communist forces crossed the Yangtze River, capturing Nanjing, capital of the Republic of China. In most cases, the surrounding countryside and small towns had come under Communist influence long before the cities. By late 1949, the People's Liberation Army was pursuing remains of my forces southwards in southern China. We were left with no choice but to retreat from Nanjing on April 23 successively to Canton (Guangzhou) until October 15, Chongqing until November 25, and Chengdu before retreating to Taipei on December 10. This marked the end of the civil war and the end of all prosperity in China as I knew it.
Although I tried my very best to resist such manipulative and oppressive forces that of the communists, my dignified attempts failed and China is now in the hands of an agonizingly communist rule.

Chaing Kai-Shek
乍啟

Peoples Republic of China 中國人民共和國 October 9th 1949


In this entry, Mao speaks of his excitement and the bright future of the Peoples Republic Of China. Mao expresses his views on socialism/Marxism and his ideas on an ideal society. Through this entry, Mao expresses his interest in industrializing and his faith in the Chinese ability to do so. Mao's strongly expresses the need to stay united, overthrow foreign influence and create a national identity.


I officially defeated the “Nationalists” in a lengthy civil war by 1949. “Such great nationwide popular unity has been achieved because we have vanquished the Kuomintang reactionary government, which was aided by American Imperialism. In this course of little more than three years, the heroic Chinese People’s Liberation Army, an army such as the world has seldom seen, crushed the offensives of the several million troops of the American-supported Kuomintang reactionary government, thereby enabling us to swing over to the counter offensive…” It was with this newborn confidence and self pride that my country and I established the Peoples Republic of China on October 1, 1949. This marked the start of, in my eyes, the most profound and greatest reign of power in all of history.
As the leader of the Peoples Republic of China, I will lead China to an age of great prosperity and freedom."Henceforth, our nation will enter the large family of peace-loving and freedom-loving nations of the world. It will work bravely and industrially to create its own civilization and happiness, and will, at the same time, promote world peace and freedom. Our nation will never again be an insulted nation. We have stood up. Our revolution has gained sympathy and acclamation of the broad masses throughout the world." As the leader of this new China, I will make China prosper in unity, the proletariat will find new power, while the bourgeois will still benefit and respect me for I will hold the peace and the freedom I promise.
My revolution is both communist and nationalist. I seek the liberation of peasants from landlords. I also seek liberation for the country, as a whole, from foreign oppression so that we may build up together our own Chinese culture. Through my reign I will emphasize socialism, peace, unity and industrial prosperity.
We have a population of 475 million people and China has a national territory of 9,597 million square kilometers. Both of these factors are in our favor regarding industrialization and modernizing. In this vast space we will build massive factories which our massive population can all contribute to. These factories will be beneficial and enable China to earn itself a place in the global economy without surrendering itself to foreign oppression. My first step as the proud ruler of the Peoples Republic of China will be in the best interests of rapid industrialization.
I unite myself with the firm belief that although it is inevitable that China will face some hardships, these difficulties will be surmounted by the heroic struggle of all people in our country. China has had ample amounts of experience with encountering and overcoming hardships, seemingly too many for one country to endure. But, we have endured them and now we must prove to the oppressive foreigners that we can revive China from its once-vulnerable state and transform it into a flourishing part of the global economy. If we as a whole can unite together and defeat the powerful domestic and foreign reactionaries, I see no reason why we cannot build up a massive, prosperous and flourishing country. Under my reign, I strive for victory!
I must admit that I do find myself in states of admiration over the Soviet’s ruler, Stalin, and at times my actions may mirror those of his actions. As ruler of China’s newest and soon to be most prosperous reign, I will shift the current political and economical standings of China to that of a much more Stalinist, political-economic stance. My seemingly accepted concept of new democracy, in which I will arrange for representation of the petty and national bourgeoisie as well as the working class in the national legislative forum, will be put into action.
I hope to establish foundations of a socialist state under the dictatorship of the proletariat class while still holding onto the support of the bourgeois, although this will require great selflessness for them as they will be required to surrender some land and property to the deserving proletariat class.
I will not only lead a time of stability and prosperity, yet I also will execute a time dynamic change in which “balance is relative, imbalance, absolute.” My objectives are to recover China from the war damages and also to destroy the foundations of the half-feudal, half-bourgeois system and finally establish a modern, complete, socialist reign. My main ideals are socialization by means of production, involving the collectivization of agriculture of private industry, and the reshaping of the primary group, the working class. I will use China’s vast population and land to my advantage to industrialize China and create a much more modern society. Under my reign I hope to free China from all foreign oppression and create a unique Chinese national identity with no foreign influence. I will restore peace and unity to China and I will make China into a well-respected attribute to the world.


Mao Zedong

毛澤東

Agrarian Law Reform 土地法改革 July 2nd 1950


The following diary entry was written by Deng Fuxue, an agrarian worker. Through his writings the reader experiences his respect and love for Mao and Mao's latest reform, the agrarian workers reform.

During the initial period of reconstruction and consolidation from 1949-1952, the communist party, led by Mao, made great strides toward bringing the country through three critical transitions: from economic prostration to economic growth, from political disintegration to political strength, and from military rule to civilian rule. The determination and capabilities demonstrated during these first years and the respectable showing (after a century of military humiliations) that Chinese troops made against UN forces on the Korean peninsula in 1950–53 provided the Chinese Communist Party with a reservoir of popular support that would be a major political resource for years.
The greatest step in this procedure, to me, was the Agrarian Reform Law. In 1950, Mao passed the Agrarian Reform Law. Party officials went around China to help with land reforms. Animals, machinery and land were given to us hard-working peasants and it was finally that landlords feared for their safety. I believe this was a very respectable and well-deserved reform made and executed by the Peoples Republic of China. Throughout this movement Mao gained much support that, like the law itself, was well deserved.
Immediately after the Communist Party came to power, landlords were rounded up to account for what they had done. The Communist Party encouraged the peasants to take over the land and to try "evil landowners." Many former landlords were guilty of many crimes against peasants on their former land and it is thought that as many as 1 million ex-landlords were executed between 1949 and 1953. Those not executed were sent to special camps to be re-educated. By 1951, the land revolution had ended. The largest section of society - peasants - had been rewarded for their support of the Communists while a potentially large threat – the landlords – had been eradicated.
As an agrarian member of China, I am ecstatic that the dear leader Mao Zedong has implemented the Agrarian reform law. What a great ruler Mao is, how selfless and aware he is to realize and take us Agrarians under his care. How great of him to not only recognize the struggle among the agrarian population of China, but also to react to such struggle and implement a reform to reduce the struggle.
In the People's Republic of China, the agrarian reform law was enacted in 1950. The primary objective of the law in China was seemingly to distribute the landed properties of rural landlords to the landless rural peasants. Under the Agrarian Reform Law of 1950, the commercial property of rural landlords and traitors, "bureaucrat capitalists" were confiscated and redistributed to the agrarian workers. The main sources of land were from the big families of the Nationalist Party such as the K’ungs, Soongs and the Chiangs. I firmly believe that Mao executed such a law in the best interests of the society as a whole. It is true that the landlords are much too powerful and are in possession of too much land and wealth than is beneficial to society as whole. In the beginning, large landlords owned the major portions of agrarian areas in China and they used to manipulate most of the agrarian activities. In 1950, Mao Zedong laid down the Agrarian Reform law in China. The party officials of China's communist government apportioned land into the hands of peasants. Their prime target was to abolish the feudal agrarian system. The government of China seized the landed properties of rural landlords and ultimately did achieve their goal to demolish the overly powerful feudal class. They also fulfilled a promise to the peasants by smashing an evil, powerful feudal class.
Agrarian reform law is a set of rules that ensures the well-deserved social justice to the rural agricultural workers of a country, like myself. Agrarian reform law controls the agrarian reform activities like redistribution of land to us workers. It secures the rural peasants by helping them access land, irrigation facilities, credit facilities and more. The law makes all of us peasants stronger in acknowledging our right to land. The agrarian reform law helps us agrarian farmers and agricultural workers achieve a better standard of living.
It was after 1949, when the Communist revolution in China enabled the small cultivators to access their land. This resulted in the merging of peasant cooperatives into larger organizations and eventually the socialistic agriculture came into existence. The socialistic agriculture restricted the agricultural productivity of the country and ultimately in 1980, China returned back to market-oriented agriculture. For a long period of time, China was combating with various land-related problems. One of the major problems was inequitable apportionment of land. The Chinese Communist Party thought of a solution of redistributing land into the hands of peasants. As a consequence, the peasants acquired agricultural land.


Deng Fuxue, an
Agrarian Worker
鄧府學 農業工作者

Invasion of Tibet 入侵西藏 July 4th 1950-Present Day



The Dalai Lama expresses his ideals and his views on life in this passage. Also, he expresses his feelings toward the Chinese, and as a strong believer in benevolence, his peaceful tactics are quite profound throughout the journal entry.

On October 1, 1949, the People's Republic of China was formally proclaimed in Beijing, and the following year launched an armed invasion of my dear land of Tibet. When the China's People's Liberation Army invaded Tibet, Tibet was a peaceful, united, independent state. Although I like to think of myself as an equal to every other human being, once Tibet was invaded by the Chinese, I knew I needed to assume leadership and consult with the Chinese. As a firm believer in benevolent tactics, I would not go to war with the Chinese, but rather, I attempted to reason with Mao, who at the time was 19 and older than I, to remove his forces from our land.
When Mao refused to withdraw his troops, I, in honor of the peace, decided to make a compromise. In 1951 we passed the Seventeen-Point agreement, officially incorporating Tibet into part of China. Although Tibet was now part of China, Mao had guaranteed there would be no alteration of Tibetan political, cultural, and religious systems and institutions. Although I, as I’m sure other Tibetans were as well, was very disappointed, I was also very fascinated with China’s culture and ability to westernize and so I decided to learn more about westernizing my own country from Mao. When Mao and the People's Republic of China failed to adhere to the Seventeen Point agreement by imposing democratic reform on Tibet, my distressed Tibetans executed the March 1959 uprising in Lhasa. On March 10, 1959, the people of Lhasa assembled together and called for the Chinese to leave Tibet, thus marking the beginning of the uprising. Their first pleas were peaceful and so I approved of their calls for freedom, which accounts for my astonishment in China’s response. The Chinese crackdown was harsh. An estimated 87,000 Tibetans were killed, arrested or deported to labor camps, and fled to exile. As angered as I was with the Tibetans, I tried very hard to let loose my anger and feel compassion toward them. As a result of the harsh Chinese crackdown, the revolt against Chinese rule in Tibet began in 1956 and continued, without my consent, until about 1976. Throughout the years it continued, an estimated 1,200,000 Tibetans were killed and more than 6,000 religious sites were destroyed.
When I became the target of the Chinese, I was forced to flee my dear country and I was warmly fostered in Africa. Rather than stay here and watch my country suffer from afar, I decided to take action by traveling around the world trying to obtain support from many different people. Many people and countries were very supportive and offered generous aiding for my country, Tibet.
When a proposal to apply the ethical and spiritual principals from each discipline to the concrete task of applying pressure on China to allow for a free Tibet was put forth, I was weary at first. This proposal launched a new energy, and the logistics of economic divestment were discussed by leaders who had begun the same divestment policy that led to the end of apartheid in South Africa. I must admit though, that in spite of my sensitive and strained relationship with the Chinese government, my interest was immense and so, for the first time, and in a historic statement, I publicly agreed to seriously examine the possibility of an international boycott of Chinese goods.
When I finally agreed and the plan of action began to take shape, I felt the need to continuously remind everyone that the main purpose of this international boycott was not to harm China but rather to create "synthesis" and to return from the meeting and apply the insights that they had received from the Synthesis Dialogues and execute them in a very real way into each participant’s culture and field of discipline. I always like to say, "If you can, help others; if you cannot do that, at least do not harm them." I cautioned continuously that positive change meant not harming anyone, even the thousands of Chinese who may have been affected by such an economic boycott.
Today China continues to hold a tight grasp on Tibet. I, for one, have adopted a “middle way” approach. My new stance on Tibet is for self-rule as opposed to total independence. Although my compromised stance is met with suspicion in Beijing and has caused some resentment in the exiled Tibetan communities, I will continue to stay true to my peaceful ways. Western countries, which I have gained the support of, encourage China to open dialogue with me, but they are hesitant to be too pushy as primarily because they do not wish to endanger trade and diplomatic relations with Beijing.

Dalai Lama
达赖喇嘛

Five Year Plan 五年計劃 1953-1957









In this post, a farmer turned peasant looks back on how wonderful the five year plan has been for him and his family.

I sit here today a new man. I can hardly believe that only five years ago I was a man without a skill in the world. Today, on the fifth anniversary of my country’s incredible five-year plan, I think back on all the good it has done. In 1953, I was nothing more than a simple man, alone in a large city with nothing but the few belongings I had in a flat in a run-down building. By the end of that year, I had become something much more powerful than that.

It began the day I heard our new leader Mao Zedong speak. He spoke of such wonderful things, prosperity for all, starting with a five year plan that would bring great things to China. It seemed too simple to be true. Things this wonderful are never this easy to come across. But this was no dream. Starting that week, I began to see changes occurring: factories being built on every other street; men who I had once known to be less well off than myself had new clothes, and looked happier than before; work for unskilled men like us. It was simple; it was benefiting our great homeland. I traveled to my city’s center, to catch up on announcements. Lo and behold, there it was, my name on a great big list of men assigned to work. I knew this opportunity would be a once in a lifetime shot. I reported to a local man who had been put in charge of running a factory producing iron. He was to assemble men like me to build a small factory. Just this small factory was contributing to our goal of industrializing and making China a better place to live.

My days started to form a routine; I would go to work, eat and sleep. Occasionally I would receive some pay, enough to buy some clothes, or splurge on Pijiu. Day by day, the skeleton of a factory turned into a new building. As workers like myself began to put the finishing touches on our hard work, new things began to arrive. Shiny and big, they looked like monsters of the future. I learned from the man who gave me my pay each week, Jin, that these were the machines which would turn something found in the earth into something that will be used all over the world. They had been generously donated from the Soviets to help us thrive. As it got closer to the opening of the factory, I learned that I would be sent to build another factory on the other side of town. By this time I had met my lovely wife and we had bought a slightly nicer flat close to the factory that I had been building.

Upon this wonderful occasion I went back to visit my roots in the country. Before I had moved to the city, I spent some time working on a farm with my Uncle Chang. He and his wife and few children made their living off agricultural means. The five-year plan had also made some changes to his lifestyle as well. He was told to consolidate land with his neighbors, and had been told he could retain a small piece of land for himself and his family. The rest would be sold to boost the economy. He was satisfied with his life, and was considering coming to work in the city. He had been told that life in the city in industrial factories had helped our homeland become a new industrial power. He had learned of the great goals that Chairman Mao had set into place, and wished to help his great Chairman achieve them.

I helped Chang find work at the original factory I had built, producing coal. He seemed satisfied with his new life and often we would remark on the wonderful place chairman Mao had turned our country into. We thanked the chairman everyday for his dedication to making our country a better place.

Today I live my life as a changed man. I live in a comfortable home with my wife and child, and together we find enough money to keep us happy and satisfied. While the original five years has expired, I look forward to the future plans that chairman Mao will put into affect. I am completely comfortable that my country is headed toward prosperity.

Jia Bao

靳豹


Hundred Flowers Campaign 百花運動 1957

In this post, a Chinese citizen reflects on the outcome of the short lived "Hundred Flowers Campaign."

The short-lived Hundred Flowers Campaign, initiated by Mao Zedong in February 1957, probably started as a reaction to the anti-Soviet uprisings in Eastern Europe. Mao recognized the failure of the oppression by the Soviet Union and its consequences and wanted to prevent the same fate for China. The Hundred Flowers Campaign was an effort to welcome and include Chinese intellectuals back into the Communist Party. The thought was that the country and the economy needed to industrialize better than it had since the ouster of Chiang Kai-shek in 1949. Mao was fearful that without a better quality of life for the common Chinese people, the same fate that occurred in the Eastern Europe Soviet-bloc would happen to China.

Mao Zedong may have developed a resentment of intellectuals as a young man when he was working in the library at Beijing University. His peasant background may have excluded him, and resentment of the intellectual class may have begun. This resentment stayed with him and may have influenced him throughout his oppressive rule, for it was the intellectuals who were mostly singled out by the Chinese Communist Party.

The Hundred Flower Campaign was Mao’s thought “to let a hundred flowers bloom and a hundred schools of thought contend” in order to enlist the intellectuals in developing much-needed industrial improvements through freedom of expression of artistic and political ideas. The intellectuals were at first reluctant, remembering the oppressive policies against free thought begun in 1942. “Skeptical of Mao’s motives, the ‘hundred flowers’ feared an early spring, one that promised a healthy growing season before killing with a deadly, late-winter frost.” After Mao then instructed the Party to encourage the intellectuals to participate, the flood gates were opened, much to the Party’s and Mao’s displeasure. Criticism of the Party and its policy was especially great from college campuses by way of posters published by students. One anonymous poster from Qinghua University was especially hard on the Party and it’s chairman:

“ We have given our blood, sweat, toil and precious lives to defend not the people but the bureaucratic organs and bureaucrats who oppress the people and live off the fat of the land… In Yan’an was Chairman Mao, who had two dishes plus soup for every meal, having a hard time? Were the peasants, who had nothing to eat but bitter vegetables, enjoying the good life? Everyone was told that Chairman Mao was leading a hard and simple life… a million shames on him! …Our pens can never defeat Mao Zedong’s Party guards and his imperial army. When he wants to kill you, he doesn’t have to do it himself. He can mobilize your wife and children to denounce you and then kill you with their own hands! Is this a rational society? This is class struggle, Mao Zedong style!”

The Party quickly moved to end the campaign, stating that it was a ruse to flush out “counter-revolutionary elements.” The failure of the Hundred Flowers Campaign led Mao to turn to the group that he had the most favor for, the peasant class. In 1958, Mao Zedong instituted the ‘Great Leap Forward” where he would call upon the peasant class to work extra hard in order to achieve the success that the intellectual class could not. Once again Mao’s ideas failed, which led him to the “Cultural Revolution”, his final assault on the intellectual class. Mao’s early exclusion from the intellectual class may have influenced his actions until the end of his rule.

Hu Chijia
胡痴

Anti-Rightist Campaign 反右運動 1957- Present




In this post, famed Chinese writer Ding Ling expressed her discontent at the Anti-Rightist Campaign occurring in China.

I cannot help but think that the government has gone completely against itself. A mere year later from when Chairmen Mao had encouraged the Chinese people to speak their minds in the Hundred Flowers campaign, I have been penalized for my thoughts. As a writer I feel obligated to share my ideas with the public. My story, Miss Sophia’s Diary, although it was written close to 30 years ago, is still receiving less than glowing reviews. My only goal was to express feelings that haven’t always been commonly accepted in the Chinese community. But to be penalized and be under surveillance by a government who doesn’t understand my ideas or me is absolutely preposterous.

I shouldn’t be surprised, though. After all, I should be accustomed to this. My brief time spent under house arrest from 1933 to 1936 left me with multitudes of mixed feelings about my country. But to be sent to a working camp for such a simple thing as following the rules mystifies me. I fail to understand how a simple woman such as myself could be accused of being a traitor. My only solace is that I am not alone in this greatly confused country. Other people, people with fantastic ideas, are also being deemed as traitors. I realize it is hard for our government to understand that some people living in China have differing views on society. I have heard rumors that tens of thousands of intellectuals have been sent to the same fate I have.

The work here is treacherous. The combination of menial work and sadness overwhelms me. My expulsion from the writer’s union and communist party has upset me greatly. I miss my old life, the life in which I held various government positions and was free to write what I wish. My writing has been my only way of showing what I truly feel. The government expects that by simply shoving away all of the non-brainwashed Chinese, they can regain the communist idea that they so frequently chase. They also wish to hold complete control over all legal issues. But I have faith that these intellectuals will not be so easily put down.

Today I met a woman who had been separated from her husband and even he declared her a “class enemy.” She was devastated that someone she loved so much could also not defend her when she needed it the most. She told me that this has been happening all over China; couples turned against each other by the government. I sympathized with her. Yet I secretly wished that I still had a husband to lose. I had lost my husband, Hu, to the nationalist party in 1931. Since then, I have done all I can to support the communists. Thus it strikes me as surprising that I would be labeled as a traitor.

The weeks here pass by unbearably slow. My only hope is that the Chinese people realize what is going on. I hope they can see past the brightly colored façade known as Mao and see the work we are being forced to do. It is unfair to all the innocent people to lose the only connection they have to the outside world. China can only go downhill from here. It will take some serious reorganization to get things back on track. Mao is power hungry. He feeds off the control he has over China. I know that somehow we will get through this. The Chinese people are strong enough to overcome this oppression.

Ding Ling

丁玲

Great Leap Forward 大躍進 1958-1961



In this post, an industrial worker looks back on the “Great Leap Forward” and expresses his opinion on how the situation has been handled.

I thought it was a fine idea at first: increase agriculture and industry, become more influential in the world. It seemed to be a step much like the first five-year plan, one that would bring even more success to China. But we, the responsible people of China, should have been smarter. My job at the factory in town was doing so well. I was helping my family thrive, and aside from some doubts about our Chairman’s harsh reactions to “traitors,” my wife and I began to regain our commitment to Chairman Mao.

We crowded around the square to hear the Chairman speak. He spoke of “Walking on two feet,” taking a “great leap forward” and becoming stronger. No one protested. We trusted the Chairman; he brought us to a new level of production.

But things soon began to spiral out of control. My factory leader, a normally kind man, became obsessed with out-producing other factories around us. He enforced nearly impossible quotas in order to produce the highest amount of goods possible. I was exhausted. Everyday after work I would crawl home and sleep. The amount of work placed on a single person was almost unbearable. At the end of the year, my factory workers and I rejoiced; industrial production had increased 65 percent from last year. This was enough incentive to keep us working hard.

The Chairman spoke of wonderful things. He spoke of how we were to be even more powerful that the Soviets. We wondered how they could see any fault in our miraculous outputs. They claimed it was impossible to “leap from capitalism to communism.” Our Chairman disregarded this, thus so did we. Things were going well.

Things started to spiral out of control. Men in my factory were exhausted and slowed their output. So much food had been shipped out of China that food here was running low. My children began to ask me why they were still hungry after dinner. In a desperate attempt to get more food, I traveled to the countryside to try and buy food from the men who grew it for a living. These towns were empty. Upon investigating, most farmers in every village were either emaciated and starved, or dead. I began to wonder how this would affect the rest of our country.

We could sense the trouble we had gotten ourselves into. My fellow factory workers could barely produce energy, let alone iron. We were angry, we wanted relief, we wanted food. Rumors spread that our once-abundant economy was losing close to 66 billion dollars. My relatives in the country had either passed away or had written to me, desperate for basic supplies. Every day the food supply diminished; each day brought us closer to desperation ourselves.

On July 23, 1959, history was made. Our once-great chairman was forced to give in. HE had made a mistake and could not support it any longer. He also admitted he could not fix the problems he had caused by himself. With that he stepped down as Chairman. The other factory workers and I were not sure how to handle this. What would be next for China?

We learned that a new group of people would bring China back. People who had never been fooled by Mao’s plan all along. These people, called Pragmatists, were confident they could fix the devastation that currently crippled China. We had no choice but to have faith in them. We couldn’t afford more tragedy.

So today, we slowly rebuild. We went back to work, with more realistic quotas. Agriculture is working on portioning its goods more carefully. A better China will prevail. It is estimated that close to 30 million people died under Mao’s leadership. Never again will we be so foolish to rush into the ideas of our leaders.

Shi Tan

施趿嗯

Cultural Revolution 文革 1966-1976

In this entry, a school teacher talks about the massive upset of the destruction of China's culture. Mao Zedong had joined a massive number of college students to rebel against the government under the rule of Deng Xiaoping and Liu Shaoqi, pushing them out of office and regaining power of China. Along the way, China's culture was taken down because of fear of Westernization.


History was ruined as we knew it. I am not quite sure why such artifacts and the deaths of innocent people had to take place, but in Mao Zedong’s eyes, it needed to be done. Mao had just completely ruined China’s economic standing with the Great Leap Forward in 1958. This had taken place after the Sino-Soviet Conflict, the U.S.S.R. pulling away from being a helpful contributor to the industry, setting my country into an economic slump. Mao planned for the Great Leap Forward to benefit the economy, but this unfortunately only led to a famine in the country. His efforts killed thousands of people, leading to his decrease in power. Liu Shaoqi and Deng Xiaoping replaced Mao’s command and began to repair the economy from the failure it had just been. However, this infuriated Mao, seeing the two new leaders using parts of democracy to regain a destroyed economy instead of just communism.

With the help of his wife, Jiang Qing, he was able to negotiate with Zhang Chunqiao, Yao Wenyuan, and Wang Hongwen, all communist leaders, and made an alliance against the new leaders of China. I remember hearing of the Gang of Four, which they were known as. Something told me no good would come from all of this conspiracy.

Together the Gang of Four aligned students looking to rebel on practically everything going on in the more harsh times of China. They called themselves the Red Guard. They worshiped Mao’s every move, wrote down his sayings which they practically made their bible. To this day, I truly believe they had not realized what brainwashing Mao was doing to them. Mao wanted change to China, requesting that all artifacts were to be destroyed. These artifacts shaped the foundation of China, and all it took was a bunch of college kids to destroy them. Parts of our culture were lost, items that could be considered to be treasures. Any western culture was banned from all of China, something I myself had taken a liking to. The sweet sound of Beethoven’s classics used to fill my ears and I would rejoice. Now I have to listen to the boisterous noise of the accordion.


Today, as I was walking through the streets of Shenghai, I heard a beautiful sound, something that seemed so familiar, yet so long forgotten. I looked up to the window of a apartment building to find a man playing a classical style violin. I paused a moment to take in this beautiful music. All I could think about, though, was how this man could be playing in public. Surely the radicals would find him playing. That's when the soldiers came marching down the street, yelling words too horrible to repeat. As the soldiers broke down the door, I saw a sheer look of terror cross the man's face. The soldiers thrust the man against the window and grabbed his violin. They carried him to the street where I saw them force the man to crush his own violin. The man, bruised and bashed in the face, reluctantly threw the violin to the ground after one last look at the beautiful creation. I felt as broken as the violin that had been smashed on the pavement, pieces strewn in all directions. As I walked away from that horrific sight, I couldn't believe what our country had amounted to.

The Gang of Four wanted no part of the capitalistic society that can be found in America as part of our home. People were killed or imprisoned for just liking America’s culture. What wrong comes from all of this? Teachers, such as myself, were sent to encampments to be reeducated on the new society Mao wanted. I see nothing wrong with what I taught before. Giving up my culture was one of the hardest things I have had to ever do. Education, in parts of it, includes the learning of culture and other cultures, so by Mao taking this away, he was also taking away our education. I find much wrong in this.

To this day I still am not allowed to play the classics of Beethoven. Although I am not a musician myself, I believe it is important to be exposed to the sounds of some of the greatest artists. It’s how we learn and become better. Mao limits our abilities, however. I just wish that one day we will be free to do as we please. Learn what we want to learn and be able to speak our minds. But for now, we must wait.

Deng Ai Ke

School Teacher

鄧艾課

學校教師

The Death of Mao Zedong 毛澤東的死亡 September 1976



In this post, an admiring peasant of the great leader reflects on the grand memorial of Chairman Mao.

Today, we remembered a great man. Mao Zedong, a man who gave so much to the great land of China, had died. We learned nine days ago of our great leader’s demise from heart failure. Since then, nothing has quite been the same. I traveled to Beijing to participate in the grand memorial in Tien An Men Square. I found a pair of trousers without any holes and wore a black arm band I had been given by a friend. As I made my way over to the square, I passed foreign diplomats coming to pay their respects. Dressed in their finest, I suddenly felt powerless in this great wide world. I made my way to the square where I stood behind groups of people from all over the world. Women from Africa, South American men, emotionless North Koreans. I felt as if Mao’s death had rocked the world in a thousand directions, causing all of these foreigners to be in China at this very moment. I found the end of the line leading to the great hall, where I would be allowed to pay my respects to the great leader, chairman Mao. With my head down, I felt the tears of other Chinese around me. The mood was perpetually solemn.

The line to the great hall moved slowly. But no one complained. This would be our last chance to thank our leader. I climbed the steps past the massive concrete columns; I passed a funeral book and paused. What could I, a simple peasant, say to the great leader? Unable to think of anything worthwhile, I paused to write, “Thank you, Chairman Mao.” Before I could write anything else, the endless crowd of people behind me jostled me forward. Around me, I noted the numerous mourning wreaths, I was soon sure that Chairman Mao meant many things to all of China. I stood on a red carpet, headed toward the coffin of the great leader. I began to shake as I walked closer to the coffin. But soon enough, it was I that stood, looking into the face of Chairman Mao. Covered in red and yellow flowers, he looked peaceful. An enormous portrait of him rested above the coffin. Below it, a banner said something about how all of China mourns this loss. At this point I was trying too hard to fight back tears to fully know.

Beside the coffin stood various government officials, I silently walked away, too ashamed to look these men in the eyes. I could feel their pain, burning a hole in my back. These men who had known Mao as so much more than I ever would. Their pure shock was unbearable, as they aimlessly shook hands with the people who remained so devoted to Mao all of these years.

I left the great hall in tears. I no longer cared of what others thought of me. I would rather show my devotion to this man than care about others. I decided that the people who cried were actually stronger, and more committed to the leader. I felt as if an era had ended; I had lost a parental figure. I asked a man beside me also in tears where the great leader would be after today. He replied that Chairman Mao had earned the honor of being embalmed and put in a special mausoleum. I thanked the distraught man and went on my way. Making my way through the crowd of people, I felt more connected with other Chinese people than ever before. This bond, this similarity of loving Chairman Mao, has kept us together all of these years. Before I leave Beijing tonight to return to my family, I hope to look at the city that Beijing has become, and thank the great leader for making China what it is today.

Xun Rui

荀瑞

Tiananmen Square Massacre 天安門大屠殺 1989

In this entry, a well known hero with in the protesters of 1989, reflects upon the terrorizing attacks in the Tiananmen Square Massacre.

All we wanted was a democratic government; we have the right to speak our minds. Yet some believe we were too violent in our protests. I believe our President, Deng Xiaoping, may have gone too far with stopping the protests. I have heard he gave China’s Communist Party complete control over handling the protests. I don’t see why it had to become so violent. There had been other protests before this one. Why us?

I can remember the few days of protests. The first time anyone felt fear for their lives was when the tanks arrived. Everyone started to clear the streets, everyone quiet but making haste. I had simply been coming home from the market, holding the bags in my hand like any other day. And yet, this day wasn’t ordinary. I could feel something bad going to happen as everyone lined up along the sides of the streets. I could see people looking through the windows of the tall brick buildings, just waiting. What was going on? I looked around at the people beside me. Some I recognized were from the protests that had been happening in Tiananmen Square. It must have something to do with the protests. I was prepared to hear the protestors start chanting, but they never did. The look on their faces was anxious and scared. I followed their gaze down to the end of the long, wide street. At first the image I saw was just a blob; it was making a tremendous amount of noise. It inched forward, an endless wait to see what the image was. That’s when it appeared. It had a long nose and tracks on its wheels. It was a tank, but as it got closer I realized it was more than just one. There was a long line of tanks, each trailing behind the next. It could not be the protesters; they wouldn’t be able to get these tanks. Not to mention they were not violent. It had to be the government.

I was enormously angry. What was the point of bringing in tanks? The protesters weren’t doing anything wrong. I couldn’t stand for this. An impulse reaction, I guess, but I ran out in front of the first tank. I could hear gasping behind me; I could imagine their faces, surprised and fearful for myself. By the time I was in the middle of the street, and in the way of the line of tanks, I stopped. If the government wasn’t going to listen to what the protesters had to say, I was going to make them listen to me. As the tanks approached me, they began to slow down. The tank turned suddenly, trying to get around, and I moved with it. It went the other way, and so did I. The tank shut off its engine and just sat there in front of me. Silence was all one could hear. I felt a sudden power come over me and just yelled for the tank to go away. I jumped on the tank and yelled it even louder. When I got back down, I was bombarded by a group of soldiers that ushered me out of the street.

Nearly 10,000 people gathered in Tiananmen Square. People came to protest for a new government in front of Zhongnanhai, the seat of the government. This all started after the death of Hu Yaobang, the general secretary of China’s Communist Party. People were sick of no longer being heard and this was the final straw. Thousands helped put up posters that demanded change. People chanted on what they wanted as their rights, hoping to get an answer from the president. It brings me happiness to know that the people can come together for a common cause and put away any feuds. However, the government still did not give in to the demands of the people. Instead, they used force to end the protests. Anger fills me when I think about how horrible this day was. It all had turned into madness. Soldiers were ordered by Deng Xiaoping to kill anyone who got in their way. Innocent people were beaten and shot to death by the military. Civilians began to fight back, using whatever weapons they had, and each trying to protect each other. Tiananmen Square was set on fire that night, and in the morning all that remained were the ashes of people who risked their lives for a better life. It is said that an estimated 3,000 people were killed that night. What an inhumane way to leave this life. Their courage will never be forgotten.


Tank Man
坦克人



The Death of Deng Xiaoping 鄧小平的去世 1997

In this entry, President Jiang Zemin shares the life of Deng Xiaoping and his role in China. Deng Xiaoping helped China regain economic status after a horrible upset during the rule of Mao Zedong. Overall Deng created a stronger country.


Deng Xiaoping had restored order to China during our economic crisis. When Mao Zedong failed to bring China up with the Great Leap Forward, thousands of people died of starvation. Fed up, Deng and Liu Shaoqi took over power from Mao, in the hopes that we would be able to restore the economic status in China as well as save the rest of the population from starvation. Deng used different parts of governments other then Communism which he found did not work well, something that Mao did not like. However, Mao was not going to go down without a fight. He made a pack with other powerful leaders and made the Gang of Four. They started the Cultural Revolution which set off a rampage of killings and the destruction of valuable cultural items found in the far regions of China. Mao stripped Deng of his high party and government posts, having most of China supporting Mao, so used to living in a Communist rule. I remember not hearing anything about Deng when Mao took over power again. I assumed he had fled the country.

It was not until a year after the death of Mao that Deng returned to his high ranks he originally had. With the help of Hu Yaobang and Zhao Ziyang, Deng was able to begin rebuilding the economic development of China. The first thing Deng did was allow freedom from Communism. He granted farmers individual control over their crops and their profit. He gave factories the right to choose production levels as well as choose who they wish to sell to. Deng found that changing the government to have partly a democratic rule would be useful. This type of rule is used in Western countries such as the United States who are thriving economically. He also found that importing and exporting goods with foreign countries allowed for foreign investment. All elements helped strengthen the economy and gave freedom to the people of China to pursue what they want. I know that I was grateful to be able to study the culture of China, including the culture of some of the Western countries. I most enjoyed France and its gorgeous castles from the 1500s.

There have been some upsets during his reign of power, such as the rebellions in Tiananmen Square. The students wanted greater political freedom from the government, which Deng did not handle well. He approved the China’s Communist Party (CCP) to fight, leading to the massacre of more than 2oo people and leaving nearly 3,000 wounded. To satisfy the protestors, however, he fired Zhao from power and replaced him with myself, Jiang Zemin. This left the government with no communist influences, which the protesters had hoped for.

Nearly 10,000 people attended the funeral service for Deng Xiaoping. Many people came to mourn their deceased leader, who had taken them out of a troubled government that was leading to the destruction of China’s economy. Around the nation, sirens and horns sounded for three minutes in memory of the beloved leader. All of China, whether they were at the funeral or not, gave their blessings to their late leader, factories and offices taking the day off to commemorate Deng Xiaoping. Deng was a good friend of mine and I had a few things to say about him. I can still remember my exact words, “The Chinese People love, thank, mourn for, and cherish the memory of Comrade Deng Xiaoping.” There was a question about whether China would be able to stay in such a great economic status as Deng had made it. Although Deng's passing may be worrisome, I believe as long as we continue the way we have been living for so long now, we can be even better than before. I think that even though Deng had passed on, the people of China should follow his guidance. That is what I plan on doing when I officially take power.

Deng Xiaoping left China as a stronger, richer country. We do not say his name in vain because he was so helpful during an extremely hard time. Tough times did not scare Deng away from doing his job as the leader of China. I believe he gave us everything he could. He put all of his heart into this country. He really did want the best for his people. He will be missed throughout China.

President Jiang Zemin

國家主席江澤民

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